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Forged in Faith: How Faith Shaped the Birth of the Nation 1607-1776, by Rod Gragg
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This fascinating history, based on meticulous research into the correspondence and documentation of the founding fathers leading up to and encompassing the crafting of the Declaration of Independence, sheds light on how the Judeo-Christian worldview motivated America’s founding fathers, influenced national independence, inspired our foundational documents, and established the American nation. Written with the pacing and drama of an enticing drama, Forged in Faith is crafted for popular appeal with a compelling mix of dramatized story and action-driven narrative, yet with the authenticity and academic verity of historian Rod Gragg.
- Sales Rank: #721201 in Books
- Brand: Howard Books
- Published on: 2010-06-01
- Released on: 2010-06-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: .94" h x 6.32" w x 9.26" l, .95 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 272 pages
- Great product!
Review
"This is an excellent and much-needed book by a veteran historian. Well-researched and engagingly written, Forged in Faith is a pleasure to read and an indispensable starting point for a clear understanding of the origins and nature of American government and society." —Steven E. Woodworth, author of While God Is Marching On: The Religious World of Civil War Soldiers
“No wonder Americans have always proclaimed, ‘In God We Trust!’ Finally—a work of history that skillfully and accurately reveals the extraordinary story of faith and the founding of our nation. This is truly a book ‘for such a time as this.’” —J. C. Watts, former congressman from Oklahoma
"The old proverb is accurate: 'If you dwell in the past you lose an eye; if you forget the past you lose both eyes.” Our beloved America is dangerously close to losing both eyes. Books like Forged in Faith, from men like Rod Gragg, are corrective lenses intensely focused on our national roots. It is what our founding fathers wisely called “a frequent recurrence to fundamentals.' Read it and act." —Stu Weber, senior pastor of Good Shepherd Community Church, Gresham, Oregon; author of Tender Warrior; international speaker
About the Author
A former journalist, historian Rod Gragg is director of the Center for Military and Veterans Studies at Coastal Carolina University, where he also serves as an adjunct professor of history. His works have earned the Fletcher Pratt Award, the James I. Robertson Award and other honors, and have been selected for the Book-of-the-Month Club, the History Book Club and the Military History Book Club.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
CHAPTER 1
“Plead Our Cause, O Lord”
Already they were bickering. It was day two of the First Continental Congress—Tuesday, September 6, 1774. Delegates from twelve of America’s thirteen colonies had assembled at Carpenters’ Hall in Philadelphia to officially react to deteriorating relations between Great Britain and its American colonies. Decades of disagreement had led to a tense crisis between the colonies and the Mother Country. In an attempt to resolve the issues, the colonies had dispatched delegations to Philadelphia’s grand assembly, which was the first of its kind in America. Opening deliberations had been cordial and productive. The delegates had voted to call their assembly the “Continental Congress,” had appointed Virginia delegate Peyton Randolph as its president, and had agreed to meet in Philadelphia’s Carpenters’ Hall. Then came day two—and the opening display of cooperation sank into a mire of argument.1
At issue was the question of how to count votes. Large colonies wanted their large populations to count for more. Small colonies wanted equal representation. Amid the debate, Philadelphia’s church bells began tolling at the news that British forces were bombarding the city of Boston. It was a false alarm, but it added to an atmosphere of anxiety in Congress. The dark mood may have been heightened by the deadly risk each delegate faced by simply being there. The unprecedented assembly was unauthorized by Britain’s King George III or the British Parliament. Among the delegates in attendance were men who believed the British government’s treatment of the American colonies amounted to tyranny. Such politics were deemed treasonous by some, and the delegates undoubtedly knew what grisly fate sometimes befell traitors to the Crown.2
If arrested and convicted of high treason, a delegate might find himself in Great Britain’s notorious Tower of London, waiting to be “drawn and quartered.” If so sentenced, he would first be hanged until almost dead, then cut down and disemboweled. While still alive, he would be forced to watch his intestines burned. Then, one by one, other bodily organs would be torturously removed until death finally occurred. Afterward, his corpse would be beheaded and his torso cut into quarters. Finally, his head would be publicly mounted on a post. “Let us prepare for the worst,” New Jersey delegate Abraham Clark at one point advised a colleague; “we can Die here but once.” Debate on how to count votes concluded with a consensus—a single vote for each delegation—but the tension among delegates led some to fear that the Continental Congress might dissolve in disunity.3
Then Massachusetts delegate Thomas Cushing made a motion. Cushing was a forty-nine-year-old Boston lawyer, a Harvard alumnus, and a successful merchant. A member of the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, he was a prominent champion of Colonial political rights—always “busy in the interest of liberty,” according to a colleague. He observed the second day’s tense deliberations with the savvy of a seasoned statesman—then he acted. From now on, Cushing formally proposed, Congress should officially open its day with prayer. The motion reflected Cushing’s personal faith—he was a deacon at Boston’s Old South Congregational Church—and it also reflected the common faith of most delegates. Even so, Cushing’s motion for prayer provoked an immediate challenge.4
Concerns were voiced by John Rutledge of South Carolina and John Jay of New York. A thirty-five-year-old London-educated attorney, Rutledge was renowned for his eloquence and political acumen. The older of two brothers in the South Carolina delegation, he would eventually become his state’s governor and later the chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. He was anything but a critic of Christianity: tutored by clergymen as a child, he was an Anglican who worshipped at Charleston’s St. Michael’s Church.5
John Jay was also a believer. At twenty-eight, the New York attorney was a prominent member of New York City’s Trinity Church. Descended from French Huguenots who had been driven from Europe for their Protestant faith, he would eventually become president of the American Bible Society. Like Rutledge, he too would someday become a governor and a U.S. chief justice, and—like Rutledge—he made no argument for separation of church and state. They were merely concerned that a congressional prayer might increase disunity because so many Christian denominations were represented in Congress. Could the delegates unite in a congressional act of worship?6
Massachusetts delegate Samuel Adams believed so—and he quickly rose to support Cushing’s prayer motion. By almost any measure, Sam Adams was the most famous advocate of Colonial rights in America—and the most controversial. Politics was his passion, and he was a master of the craft. An instrumental leader in the Massachusetts legislature, he was viewed by many as Colonial America’s leading defender, but Britain’s leaders called him an “angel of darkness.” He too was devout. Raised in a family of committed Christians, he had considered the ministry in his youth. Now, as a middle-aged Calvinist, he took his faith seriously, and was said to possess “the dogmatism of a priest.”7
He was “no Bigot,” Sam Adams told his fellow delegates. He “could hear a Prayer from a Gentleman of Piety and Virtue, who was at the same Time a Friend to his Country”—and he heartily endorsed the call to congressional prayer. Congress agreed—and promptly passed Cushing’s motion. Beginning the next day, the Continental Congress would officially open every day’s session with prayer. But who would be the first to pray? In an obvious display of congressional unity, Samuel Adams, a Puritan Congregationalist, nominated an Anglican clergyman to offer the first official prayer. Congress approved his nomination and promptly sent an invitation to the selected minister.8
His name was Jacob DuchÉ, and at age thirty-seven, he may have been the most popular preacher in Philadelphia. The Anglican pastor of Philadelphia’s prestigious Christ Church, DuchÉ was the son of a former Philadelphia mayor and brother-in-law to congressional delegate Francis Hopkinson. A graduate of Cambridge University, he was well educated, served as professor of oratory at the College of Philadelphia, and was renowned for his eloquence in the pulpit. The invitation to open Congress with prayer was a measure of his prominence, but carried genuine risk: DuchÉ was a minister in the Church of England, Britain’s official state church, and accepting the invitation could have put him in harm’s way with the British government. He accepted anyway.9
The next morning—Wednesday, September 7, 1774 — the pastor appeared before the delegates attired in Anglican clergyman’s robes. When the Congress was called to order, he opened the day’s session with a formal prayer, then followed it by reading from the Bible. The Bible passage DuchÉ read was the Anglican “collect” for the day—the scripture scheduled for that day in the Anglican Book of Common Prayer—Psalm 35:
Plead my cause, OLORD, with them that strive with me: fight against them that fight against me. Take hold of shield and buckler, and stand up for mine help. Draw out also the spear, and stop the way against them that persecute me: say unto my soul, I am thy salvation.
Let them be confounded and put to shame that seek after my soul: let them be turned back and brought to confusion that devise my hurt. Let them be as chaff before the wind: and let the angel of theLORDchase them. Let their way be dark and slippery: and let the angel of thelordpersecute them.
For without cause have they hid for me their net in a pit, which without cause they have digged for my soul. Let destruction come upon him at unawares; and let his net that he hath hid catch himself: into that very destruction let him fall. And my soul shall be joyful in theLORD: it shall rejoice in his salvation. …Let them be ashamed and brought to confusion together that rejoice at mine hurt: let them be clothed with shame and dishonour that magnify themselves against me.
Let them shout for joy, and be glad, that favour my righteous cause: yea, let them say continually, Let thelordbe magnified, which hath pleasure in the prosperity of his servant. And my tongue shall speak of thy righteousness and of thy praise all the day long.10
Assembled in the intimidating shadow of Royal power, the delegates found the relevance of Psalm 35 to be extraordinary. It was all the more striking for those who realized that particular Psalm had been placed in the prayer book as the reading for September seventh many years earlier. “It seemed as if Heaven had ordained that Psalm to be read on that morning,” Massachusetts’ John Adams wrote his wife. DuchÉ’s prayers were apparently equally moving. The Secretary of the Continental Congress, Charles Thompson, managed to record one of them as it echoed in the stillness of Carpenters’ Hall.
O! Lord, our heavenly father, King of Kings and Lord of lords: who dost from thy throne behold all the dwellers upon earth and reignest with power supreme & uncontrouled over all kingdoms, empires and governments, look down in mercy, we beseech thee, upon these our American states who have fled to thee from the road of the oppressor and thrown themselves upon thy gracious protection, desiring henceforth to be dependent only on thee.
To thee they have appealed for ...
Most helpful customer reviews
13 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
Excellent Book!
By Eric B. Borgman
Whether you are out-and-out tired of the secularizing of the United States or are just interested in the factual history of America, this book is the one to read. Gragg examines the actual history from the 13 Colonies to the Founding Fathers of the Revolution and gives examples of what these American leaders believed and how they showed their faith. The author proves that the United States was founded by Christians who, prayed and mentioned God and Jesus, during official actions and in official proclamations. These are issues that need to be re-learned by every American. God is not supposed to be outlawed in the halls of government, as is now happening, at the behest of radicals. God is not supposed to be forbidden on state and federal land. The Founding Fathers and the founding documents written by them made no such claim, in fact, it was the reverse. I am very happy to have gotten this book. Anyone interested in history, America or religion should definately read this winning and well researched book.
8 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Forged In Faith, by Rod Gragg
By Marcus
Forged in Faith is both eye opening and jaw dropping. What we don't know about our history and our founding will shock you. Unless you are a historian into source documents you may already know what Gragg pulls from the dust heap of history, if not...enjoy the ride into new frontiers. The content, sources, and footnotes are an express lane through the thoughts and intents of our Founding Fathers. Bravo and Hurrah for Gragg and his research. Thank you for uncovering the past. - Marcus from Dallas, TX
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Fell short of what I was hoping for
By Mary Jean Adams
Forged in Faith was good, but it fell a bit short of my expectations — or at least what I was looking for. It started out by focusing on the various faith-based influences on the founding of specific settlements and colonies. I could have listened to an entire book based on this.
There were also interesting tidbits on the role of key religious leaders like George Whitefield and Jonathan Edwards. I wish there had been more time spent on the influence of these people, but given the relatively short length of the book, I can understand why they got the limited focus they did.
The book really started to fall apart for me when it hit the years leading up to the American Revolution. The focus narrowed to the influence of a handful of founding fathers, and it was viewed through a somewhat glossy lense. I mean, Patrick Henry came across as a moderate and Sam Adams sounded like a martyr to the cause instead of a rabble-rouser with a questionable success rate at anything he tried. (Don't get me wrong. I love Sam Adams, but...)
One-sided views of the founding fathers aside, the book kept losing its focus on faith to focus more on events. OK, there was the occasional reference to John Adams' thoughts, but does anyone doubt he was heavily steeped in his religion? The storyline also swung back from time to time to talk about Congress calling for national days of prayer and fasting. That was interesting, but I would have liked to hear more about the church's role and the role played by specific religious influences in the course of events.
There were also times when I thought the author tried too hard. For example, he went to great lengths to discount Deism's influence on the Declaration of Independence, but there is no doubt in my mind that Deism was an influence. I don't think Christians, left to their own devices, would come up with the phrase "the laws of nature and nature's God." That one always sounded to me like a compromise between Christian and Deist influences, with a little more leaning toward the Deists. In my opinion, the influence of Christianity on our founding is strong enough to stand on its own. We don't need to downplay other influences to make the case.
The author also made rather specific claims, such as Thomas Jefferson considered himself a Christian, without backing these up with evidence. Perhaps Jefferson did make that claim, but for it to be credible I really would like to have heard it in Jefferson's own words and understand the context. Again, I really wanted the author to make the case, not simply make statements and expect his audience to take them at face value. Believers will, but it's the skeptics who need to be convinced.
Quick note: I listened to the unabridged version of the book from Audible. It is possible that the print version contained footnotes and references that an audio format obviously could not capture effectively.
Finally, the "founding" stopped at the beginning of the Revolution. How could the author not touch on the concept of "separation of church and state" and what Jefferson really meant when he proposed it as a central tenant? It is probably one of the most misunderstood beliefs of the founding fathers.
Finally, there was no discussion of the Constitution. Granted, the Constitution is more of a structural document whereas the Declaration is more emotional, for lack of a better word. (If you've not read the two, I encourage you to do so and you'll see what I mean.) That said, the Constitution was not constructed out of thin air. Many of its principles were also founded on faith and I would have like to see the case made.
Forged in Faith is still an interesting and well-crafted book, despite all my reservations. For anyone who doesn't have the background, I would highly recommend it, just don't stop here. You'll come away with a basic understanding, just not a very clear picture of the founding let alone of the nuanced yet vital role faith played.
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